On PoliticsFATHER JAMES V. SCHALL, S.J.
At election time, we hear of an "obligation" to vote.
The mechanisms of voting and choosing are very imperfect throughout the world. Many elections are, in practice, meaningless. Whenever we see elections decided by 98 percent of an electorate on one side, we can assume that no real election took place. How many votes in, say, Chicago are cast by the dead remains a lively issue.
Eventually, we ask ourselves: How important are politics anyhow? Edmund Burke's remark is well known: "The only thing that is necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing."
But evil today, as always, presents itself in the name of what is good and noble. This is why elections are so enigmatic. Tyrants, likewise, especially the ones arising out of democracies, are often attractive men telling us what we want to hear so that they can gain or stay in power.
In his book on St. Augustine, Herbert Deane reminds us:
Nowhere in the Gospels or in the Apostolic teachings is it ever suggested that Christians have any obligation to participate in the operation of the political system or that the activities of the state have any real relevance to the conduct of members of the Church or to their overriding concern — salvation and participation in the kingdom of God.The relative importance of things needs to be kept in perspective.
Though Revelation contains a warning about absolute state power, the New Testament was not designed to teach us what we could figure out by ourselves. Politics was one of these latter things.
We sometimes have the impression today that everything is political. Indeed, many believers elevate politics to make it identical with the kingdom of God.
The chief rival to Christianity today, besides Islam, is a secular messianism designed to "liberate" us from religious practices so that we can devote all our attention to politics as our "real" good. Religion, in this view, is what holds us back from perfecting ourselves.
The modern state wants to fulfill that proposal of Marsilius of Padua whereby spiritual things have nothing to do with politics. World religions would be assigned a common parliament that would function under the aegis of the state.
Nothing truly transcendent would exist. Religion's function would be to explain the nobility of the state's purpose. No conflict of church and state would be possible. And what would the purpose of the state be? Basically, it would be to "take care" of everyone, in life and death, especially the poor.
In classical politics, of course, the purpose of the state was a temporal common good in which people took care of their own affairs. There is something exhilarating about "taking care" of others. It seems so noble.
The "full and final realization" of politics can only be understood when we acknowledge that politics is not an eschatology. Its divisions are not those of the soul that are worked out in our living and dying.
But again, politics is not nothing. The fact that the New Testament pays little attention to it — "Render to Caesar the things that are Caesar's" — means that it has a natural importance that we can grasp with our reason.
Aristotle called politics the highest of the practical sciences. He understood that something higher than politics existed. This transcendent order is what kept politics as politics and not itself a claim to man's ultimate allegiance.
When politics claim our ultimate attention, when it subordinates religion to the state, it transforms the natural order into its own image. Civil societies, states, are not substantial beings with personal destinies of their own, as each human being is. They are arrangements of order and disorder wherein individual people work out their final destiny.
We can save our souls in the worst regime, and lose them in the best. Our politics do not automatically determine whether we reach or don't reach everlasting life. Yet what we do and choose in politics also forms us into what we are, into what we make ourselves to be.
The polity exists so that greater and more varied goods can come about through our agency. The last judgment will include our political choices. Grace does not eradicate nature.
In an analogous manner, John Paul II remarked to European bishops in 1982 that "the crises of European man and of Europe are crises and temptations of Christianity and of the Church in Europe." We are wont to think that the drama of the world takes place outside of the redemptive plan of God. It doesn't.
C. S. Lewis remarked, in Mere Christianity, I think, that the greatest evil we can do is to call what is evil good and what is good evil. It does not matter whether this calling is shrouded in the form of relativism, diversity theory, or the will to power. The effect is the same.
In the end, we now call, by various sophisticated names, what is evil good. We make laws to justify this reversal of good and evil, which, as such, do not change. We penalize those who hold that the "thou shalt not's" are correct.
But the key point remains: the "enablers" who justify and make evil possible by their own disordered souls. Repentance remains the only way to stop this reversal, repentance and, as Benedict says, judgment.
Father James V. Schall, S.J. "On Politics." The Catholic Thing (October 16, 2012).
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Father James V. Schall, S.J., is Professor of Political Philosophy at Georgetown University and the author of many books in the areas of social issues, spirituality and literature including The Mind That Is Catholic: Philosophical & Political Essays, On the Unseriousness of Human Affairs: Teaching, Writing, Playing, Believing, Lecturing, Philosophizing, Singing, Dancing; Roman Catholic Political Philosophy; The Order of Things; The Regensburg Lecture; The Life of the Mind: On the Joys and Travails of Thinking; Schall on Chesterton: Timely Essays on Timeless Paradoxes; Another Sort of Learning, Sum Total Of Human Happiness, and A Student's Guide to Liberal Learning.
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